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Abstract
Multiparty elections have become the bellwether by which all democracies are judged, and the spread of these systems across Africa has been widely hailed as a sign of the continent’s progress towards stability and prosperity. But such elections bring their own challenges, particularly the often intense internecine violence following disputed results.
While the consequences of such violence can be profound, undermining the legitimacy of the democratic process and in some cases plunging countries into civil war or renewed dictatorship, little is known about the causes. By mapping, analysing and comparing instances of election violence in different localities across Africa – including Kenya, Ivory Coast and Uganda – this collection of detailed case studies sheds light on the underlying dynamics and sub-national causes behind electoral conflicts, revealing them to be the result of a complex interplay between democratisation and the older, patronage-based system of ‘Big Man’ politics.
Essential for scholars and policymakers across the social sciences and humanities interested in democratization, peace-keeping and peace studies, Violence in African Elections provides important insights into why some communities prove more prone to electoral violence than others, offering practical suggestions for preventing violence through improved electoral monitoring, voter education, and international assistance.
Mimmi Söderberg Kovacs is head of research at the Folke Bernadotte Academy (FBA), a Swedish governmental agency working in the field of peace and security under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Jesper Bjarnesen is a senior researcher with the Nordic Africa Institute. He previously lectured in the department of cultural anthropology and ethnography at Uppsala University.
‘The insights provided by this important book have much to tell us about when and where electoral violence occurs, and deserve a large audience.’
Nic Cheeseman, author of Democracy in Africa
‘This book is the first comprehensive study of its kind, it should be required reading not only for political scientists and other social science scholars, but also people in the policy sphere.’
Mats Utas, co-editor of Private Security in Africa
‘Offers valuable insights into under-explored issues in electoral violence, in particular the “everyday” aspects of intimidation, and the interaction between “foot-soldiers” and “big men”.’
Andreas Mehler, Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut, University of Freiburg
‘An excellent contribution to the growing literature on electoral violence. This is a major advance for a literature that tends to privilege national elite strategies. In short, there is much to learn in these pages.’
Scott Straus, University of Wisconsin-Madison
‘This collection broadens our understanding of electoral violence and opens up multiple new lines of research inquiry into the subject matter. A timely and welcome contribution.’
Marie-Joëlle Zahar, Université de Montréal
‘Deepens our insights into the causes of electoral violence and explains the intricate relationship between democratization, patronage and violence. It also provides directions for policy reforms to address electoral violence.’
Anna Jarstad, Umeå University
‘Finally, a book that seriously investigates and bridges the macro and micro dynamics of electoral violence in Africa.’
Anders Themnér, Uppsala University
‘Sounds a warning to tread carefully when interfering with the politics of other states.’
Bruce Baker, Coventry University
Table of Contents
Section Title | Page | Action | Price |
---|---|---|---|
Cover | Cover | ||
About the editors | iii | ||
Title Page\r | v | ||
Copyright\r | vi | ||
Contents | vii | ||
Abbreviations | ix | ||
Acknowledgements | xiii | ||
Introduction: The everyday politics of electoral violence in Africa | 1 | ||
The phenomenon of electoral violence | 5 | ||
Looking beyond the national: shifting the level of analysis | 8 | ||
Between democracy and Big Man politics | 10 | ||
‘Stomach infrastructure’, high stakes, and the struggle for power at the centre | 11 | ||
Competition, ethno-regional politics and close races | 13 | ||
Institutional (dis)incentives and constraints on violence | 15 | ||
Chapter outline | 17 | ||
References | 21 | ||
1: Ethnic politics and elite competition: the roots of electoral violence in Kenya\r | 27 | ||
Introduction\r | 27 | ||
Ethnic politics, identity formation and electoral violence | 29 | ||
Kenya’s violent transition | 30 | ||
The 1992 elections | 31 | ||
Exclusionary ethnic identity and victimisation | 33 | ||
Ethnic political mobilisation | 36 | ||
Electoral violence beyond 1992 | 39 | ||
Conclusions | 41 | ||
Notes | 42 | ||
References | 43 | ||
2: Wielding the stick again: the rise and fall and rise of state violence during presidential elections in Uganda | 47 | ||
Introduction | 47 | ||
Previous research on government-sponsored violence | 48 | ||
Framework and argument: competition, rewards, sanctions and experiences | 49 | ||
Electoral authoritarianism and the ebb and flow of state-organised violence in Uganda | 51 | ||
1996–2006: from consent to challenge and crackdown | 53 | ||
2011: toleration outweighing repression | 54 | ||
2016: repression outweighing toleration again | 57 | ||
Conclusions | 60 | ||
Acknowledgements | 62 | ||
Notes | 62 | ||
References | 63 | ||
3: Land conflict and electoral violence in Côte d’Ivoire: a micro-level analysis\r | 67 | ||
Introduction | 67 | ||
Contentious politics around land and elections in Côte d’Ivoire | 69 | ||
Land conflict in the western cocoa regions: a micro-level perspective | 71 | ||
Lack of integration of migrant populations | 72 | ||
Autochthons’ loss of land | 73 | ||
The disputed nature of land sales | 74 | ||
The weakening of chieftaincies | 76 | ||
Land conflict and electoral violence: the ‘joint production of action’ | 77 | ||
Conclusions: the politics of land in the 2015 elections and beyond | 80 | ||
Notes | 83 | ||
References | 84 | ||
4: The geography of violence in Burundi’s 2015 elections\r | 87 | ||
Introduction | 87 | ||
Electoral violence in Burundi | 90 | ||
The build-up to the 2015 elections | 94 | ||
The controversy over Pierre Nkurunziza’s candidacy | 95 | ||
Understanding Burundi’s geography of violence | 96 | ||
Why the capital was the primary site of violence | 97 | ||
Why some neighbourhoods of Bujumbura were left untouched by violence | 104 | ||
Why violence in the provinces was limited to specific districts | 105 | ||
Conclusion | 107 | ||
Notes | 109 | ||
References | 110 | ||
5: Competition, uncertainty and violence in Sierra Leone’s swing district\r | 114 | ||
Introduction | 114 | ||
Political competition, swing areas and electoral violence | 115 | ||
Elections and violence in Sierra Leone | 117 | ||
The strategic logic of electoral violence in Kono | 120 | ||
Swinging the vote and tipping the balance | 120 | ||
Holding ground and making inroads | 123 | ||
The intra-party struggle for power | 125 | ||
Forceful intermediaries: local chiefs and traditional authorities | 126 | ||
Local gangs and foot soldiers of violence | 128 | ||
Concluding remarks | 130 | ||
Notes | 131 | ||
References | 133 | ||
6: Ex-militants and electoral violence in Nigeria’s Niger Delta\r | 135 | ||
Introduction | 135 | ||
Ex-combatants and electoral violence in post-conflict societies | 137 | ||
Electoral violence and armed militancy in Nigeria’s Niger Delta | 139 | ||
The limits of Nigeria’s DDR programme | 140 | ||
Ex-militants and electoral violence in Nigeria’s Niger Delta | 143 | ||
Regional dynamics | 144 | ||
Ex-militants and electoral violence during the 2015 elections | 145 | ||
Bayelsa State | 146 | ||
Rivers State | 148 | ||
Conclusion | 150 | ||
Notes | 152 | ||
References | 152 | ||
7: The winner takes it all: post-war rebel networks, Big Man politics, and the threat of violence in the 2011 Liberian election\r | 156 | ||
Introduction | 156 | ||
Post-conflict elections – the final break with war? | 157 | ||
Liberia’s recent history of electoral violence | 158 | ||
The 2011 Liberian elections and the involvement of ex-combatants | 160 | ||
Winston Tubman and the vigilante leader | 160 | ||
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf and the former LURD general | 163 | ||
Winners and losers in the 2011 elections | 165 | ||
The potential of post-war rebel networks for electoral violence | 167 | ||
Post-war rebel networks as a resource for stability and livelihood | 169 | ||
Conclusions | 172 | ||
Notes | 174 | ||
References | 174 | ||
8: Parasitic politics: violence, deception and change in Kenya’s electoral politics\r | 176 | ||
Introduction | 176 | ||
Deception and violence as political participation | 178 | ||
‘The born-again Mau Mau’: Mungiki’s economic and cultural background | 180 | ||
Mobilising the masses | 181 | ||
Mobilising the youth for change | 183 | ||
Harbingers of death: religious appearances, mythological references and violent potential | 186 | ||
Parasitic politics: forceful takeovers from the inside | 188 | ||
The Mugumo tree | 190 | ||
Conclusion | 191 | ||
Notes | 193 | ||
References | 193 | ||
9: Eclectic ties and election touts: Chipangano’s cyclic governance agenda in Mbare, Zimbabwe\r | 197 | ||
Introduction | 197 | ||
The background to violent electioneering in Zimbabwe | 199 | ||
Introducing Chipangano’s informal economy of violence | 201 | ||
Chipangano’s governance agenda: controlling elections and earnings | 202 | ||
Violent electioneering | 202 | ||
Downsizing and sizing up Big Men: Chipangano’s leadership | 204 | ||
Controlling informal sector earnings | 205 | ||
Chipangano within the Big Man agenda: spillages for pillaging | 208 | ||
Elections and control in Mbare: elevating and relegating Big Men | 208 | ||
Conclusion: the timely emergence of Big Men with specific agendas | 210 | ||
Notes | 211 | ||
References | 211 | ||
10: Patronage politics and electoral violence in Lagos, Nigeria: understanding the micro-level dynamics\r | 215 | ||
Introduction | 215 | ||
The politics of transportation | 216 | ||
Transportation and the dynamics of patronage | 219 | ||
Politicised spaces | 222 | ||
Tactical agency from below | 225 | ||
Elections and ‘stomach infrastructure’ | 226 | ||
Conclusion | 229 | ||
Notes | 230 | ||
References | 231 | ||
11: ‘Once they all pick their guns you can have your way’: campaigning and talking about violence in northern Ghana\r | 233 | ||
Introduction | 233 | ||
Talking about violence in electoral campaigns | 235 | ||
Challenging the model: elections and verbal violence in Ghana | 236 | ||
Presidential campaigning and the ‘violent north’ | 238 | ||
Big Men politics, rumours and the youth | 241 | ||
Conclusion | 244 | ||
Notes | 245 | ||
References | 246 | ||
Conclusion: Beyond democracy and Big Man politics | 250 | ||
Introduction | 250 | ||
Between and below: other expressions of electoral violence | 251 | ||
Electoral violence as contentious politics? | 252 | ||
The micro-level turn in studies of electoral violence | 254 | ||
Reciprocal relations and mutually reinforced dependencies | 255 | ||
Towards a ‘historical turn’ in the study of electoral violence | 258 | ||
Policy implications | 259 | ||
Encourage processes and reforms that lower the stakes of elections | 259 | ||
Support the broader process of democratisation beyond election support | 259 | ||
Expand the concept and practice of election observation and monitoring | 260 | ||
Rethink electoral security | 261 | ||
Address unresolved conflicts at the local level | 261 | ||
Notes | 262 | ||
References | 262 | ||
About the contributors | 263 | ||
Index | 264 |